How BJP Let Down RSS in Jharkhand

Though the Bharatiya Janata Party led National Democratic Alliance suffered its worst defeat in the 24-year old history of Jharkhand, the state with richest mineral reserves in India, public opinion-makers are under-evaluating the political ramifications of this development. After all, the region was one of the strongest bastions of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh even when it was a part of Bihar (till November 15, 2000).

What is alarming for the saffron camp is that the 26.2% Adivasis, who had already deserted the BJP in 2019 following the brutal suppression of their land struggle, called Pathalgadi movement, have now become extremely hostile towards it. The indigenous tribals, other backward castes (this includes Kurmi-Mahtos) and Dalit farmers had strongly protested against the land acquisition policy of the then Raghubar Das government between 2014 and 2019. This included large chunk of fertile land acquired for Adani for its power plant in Godda district of Jharkhand. It is from this coal-fired plant that electricity is sold to Bangladesh.

As media is in the habit of highlighting the BJP’s victory more prominently, its debacle in Jharkhand
received much less coverage than the defeat of Maha Vikas Aghadi in Maharashtra. The BJP ended up with only 21 seats while its alliance partners All Jharkhand Students Union, Janata Dal (United) and Lok Janshakti Party got one each.

Against the 24 seats bagged by the NDA the Grand Alliance of Jharkhand Mukti Morcha (34 seats),
Congress (16seats), Rashtriya Janata Dal (four seats) and CPI ML (Liberation) (two seats) won 56 seats in the House of 81. The NDA got 38.14% votes against the Grand Alliance’s 44.33%.

Why RSS Failed

Hardly any anchor and even opinion-page writer are asking as to why the RSS failed so disastrously in
Jharkhand when its volunteers (especially those associated with Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram, (its
affiliate) like in Maharashtra, worked so tirelessly in the entire state. The BJP bigwigs raised the
issue of alleged Bangladeshi infiltrators marrying Adivasi girls to grab their land. The party left no
stone unturned with Prime Minister Narendra Modi addressing a big function in bordering Jamui district of Bihar on November 15—that is on the occasion of 150th birth anniversary of tribal icon, Birsa Munda. Developmental projects worth Rs 6,650 crore, mostly for tribal welfare, were launched to send the message to Adivasi voters just across the border. Jharkhand went to poll on November 13 and 20.

The original sin was committed by the BJP after its victory in the Jharkhand Assembly poll in December 2014. As Narendra Modi had come to power early the same year, nobody questioned the wisdom of appointing Raghubar Das (now governor of Odisha), a non-tribal having ancestral roots in neighbouring Chhattisgarh, as the chief minister. Jharkhand was hewed out from Bihar in the name of Adivasi state but Das was thrust as the CM by the party.

As if that was not enough the Das government in November 2017 amended the Chhotanagpur Tenancy Act, 1908 and Santhal Pargana Tenancy Act, 1949 to acquire land from the indigenous people. The BJP government went all out to woo the corporate sector. Mind it, like Chhattisgarh Jharkhand and Odisha had, till a couple of decades back, strong presence of Maoists too.

That was enough to antagonise the aboriginal population. The BJP government, by its action provided an opportunity to JMM to make a comeback. The saffron party had to pay the price in 2019 Assembly election in which Das himself lost from his own seat, East Jamshedpur.

The anger of Adivasis can be measured from the fact that in 2019 the BJP could win only two Scheduled Tribes reserved seats, out of 28 in total. In 2014 its tally was 11. However, in 2024 it could retain only one, that is, Saraikela by Champai Soren, former CM who crossed over to BJP from Jharkhand Mukti Morcha on the eve of Assembly poll.

Hemant’s Arrest

The non-stop harassment of chief minister Hemant Soren and his subsequent arrest by Enforcement
Directorate on January 31, 2024 turned the Adivasis furious. In the 2024 Lok Sabha election the BJP
lost all the five ST reserved seats. This included Union minister and former chief minister Arjun Munda from Khunti, the then BJP citadel.

At this point of time emerged Jairam Mahto, a 30-year old Kurmi-Mahto, who floated Jharkhand Loktantarik Krantikari Morcha, which contested 71 seats. Though Jairam was the lone winner, his party damaged the poll prospect of All Jharkhand Students Union and BJP in many seats. Kurmi-Mahtos had till recently been inclined towards AJSU. Its president and former deputy CM, Sudesh Mahto, too lost his own seat. Jairam, like the JMM, also raised voice against the domination of outsiders.

So, the battle in Jharkhand soon turned into outsider versus indigenous people. Kurmi-Mahtos, though in OBC list, enjoyed the tribal status till 1931 Census. They are now once again seeking this status.

It needs to be recalled that the JMM was formed in 1972 by Adivasi hero, Shibu Soren (Hemant’s father), Binod Bihari Mahto and A K Roy, a Bengali Marxist. It would be a big challenge for the BJP if the Adivasis and Kurmi Mahtos once again join hands as in those earlier years, when they launched a crusade against the ‘dikkus’( outsiders). The campaign was more intense against mahajans (money-lenders), liquor barons and coal and land mafia.

Bangladesh vs Bangladesh

There was certainly Bangladeshi factor in the Assembly election. But that was not the ‘land jehad’
narrative raised by the BJP against the so-called infiltrators, but what the JMM leaders countered the land allegedly ’grabbed’ by a corporate entity for producing electricity which is sold to Bangladesh. The local people of Godda alleged that they were uprooted for no benefit to them as they are not going to get any electricity.
Instead, the power plant is bringing about great ecological disaster to them. Their farming land are
losing its fetility and the water table is going down in the entire region of Godda.

It was out of panic that the BJP raised the bogey of Bangladeshi infiltrators, which boomeranged, as the responsibility to guard the international border lies in the hand of Centre. Besides, Jharkhand is not a bordering state.

After 2019 rout in Jharkhand the BJP realized its mistake. To win back the support of Adivasis
elsewhere in the country the BJP made then Jharkhand governor, Droupadi Murmu, originally from Odisha, as its Presidential candidate in 2022. JMM, though an alliance partner of Congress, fully understood the BJP’s design and backed Murmu.

As if that was not enough the BJP nominated Vishnu Deo Sai, a tribal as the chief minister of
Chhattisgarh after the party won the 2023 Assembly election. Earlier this year it made Mohan Charan Majhi, another tribal, as the chief minister of Odisha. As Odisha and Chhattisgarh too have substantial tribal population, the saffron party is now engaged in a damage limitation exercise.

But it did not work in Jharkhand as the party, instead of offering olive branch to Adivasis, launched
a witch-hunt against Hemant. He and his wife Kalpana emerged as a powerful couple in the state politics.

This is the achievement of the BJP.

The writer is a Patna-based freelance journalist. The views are personal.